Alan Wilson, having laid out his own "British version" of the Ten Victories–Ten Defeats strategy, nudged the Nizam, Osman Ali Khan, to keep thinking along his lines. In truth, Alan's mind was already drifting toward the spoils of the defeated Third Reich — surely the Germans would have a few submarines left after the war? If Junagadh could afford to buy them, that too would count as "making a contribution" to the postwar order.
As for the southern princely states of Mysore and Travancore, both relatively strong and located in South India below the Deccan Plateau, contacting them was easy for Alan. Because of Hyderabad's special position, his role as Resident there also extended to overseeing relations with these states.
One thing about British India was clear: the north was poor, the south was rich. Fewer people in the south meant far greater per-capita resources, whereas the north — especially the Ganges and Indus river valleys — was packed with the vast majority of the population, and competition was fierce.
Alan dispatched several of his assistants to Mysore, Travancore, and other southern states — fulfilling his official duties as Resident while also quietly preparing for a British India that might not last much longer.
Once he started thinking with less-than-charitable intentions toward the future of British India, he discovered there were quite a few angles to work. He couldn't outright stop Congress from uniting the country, but slowing Nehru down? That was possible.
"Your Highness," Alan told the Nizam gravely, "the truth is, you are in the same position as every other princely ruler. You have the stature to unite them. In Congress's eyes, the long-term goal for all of you is the same: the complete dissolution of the princely states into a united India. Forgive my bluntness — but that is simply the reality."
"A single princely state has no power to resist Congress," he continued. "Only several strong states allied together — ideally all of them — can preserve your positions. I'm sending my assistants to visit the southern states for that reason. Of course, this cannot be made public; the Viceroy's office must still 'cooperate' with Congress for now."
"The war is not over yet. The Viceroy's office, and London itself, still want India stable. We certainly do not want independence — but if independence becomes inevitable, I will privately do what I can to help you. And when I return to New Delhi, I'll push forward your ties with Junagadh."
"You've only been here a month, and you're going back to New Delhi already?" The Nizam was surprised. He had to admit, Alan's moral stance suited him perfectly — entirely focused on Hyderabad's interests, something no previous Resident had shown.
Past Residents had been diligent enough on the surface, but there was always an undercurrent of British arrogance. This young man was different. Hearing Alan was leaving, the Nizam even felt an unexpected reluctance.
But Alan was different — he knew full well that independence was probably unstoppable. If that was the case, why not take the opportunity to profit from the richest man in the world?
"I'm only going for a routine report, not being reassigned," Alan assured him with a smile. "If you need anything, my assistants will contact me. It's the same."
He guessed this routine meeting might be related to the ongoing Burma campaign. The British Indian Army was attacking fiercely there, and as the wealthiest colony, British India was expected to bleed for the Empire. As the saying went, Before the last drop of Indian blood is shed, the British Empire will never surrender.
Sure enough, the meeting was closely tied to the war. In addition to the Burma campaign, the Western Front in Europe had just seen the German Ardennes Offensive stall. The Allies breathed a sigh of relief — the disaster of being driven into the sea, as in 1940, had not been repeated.
With the Ardennes over, the road to invading Germany from the west was now open. But for British India, that was just a talking point. The Burma campaign was what really mattered.
"I just find it odd," said the Resident in Junagadh when he met Alan, the two quickly striking up a rapport. "Nehru's always making trouble for the Viceroy's office, but he seems to have no objection to the Burma campaign."
"Maybe it's because Burma used to be part of British India? Just a guess," Alan said with a smile. Indeed, Burma had once been a province of British India, until it was separated in 1937.
Perhaps, in Nehru's eyes, Burma could still be part of an independent India. But that was impossible — Britain had already carved it out as a separate colony. If Nehru did have ambitions toward Burma, they would remain nothing more than dreams.
"How's your work with the Junagadh ruler?" Alan asked, slipping back into his role as Hyderabad's strategist.
"Fine. Nawab Salman Khan is cooperative enough," said John, the Junagadh Resident.
"Cooperative" was hardly enough, Alan thought — but before he could say more, a secretary appeared to summon the provincial governors and Residents to the conference room.
The top British officials from British India's 17 provinces and several major princely states filed in. Inside, Sir Barron was already waiting. Once everyone was seated, the highest-level meeting of British India's civil service began.
By 1945, senior Indian officials in British India were not uncommon, but this was a purely British meeting — no Indian members were present.
Sir Barron began in an upbeat tone, noting that after the Ardennes, Germany had lost the ability to attack. The Allied advance into German territory was now only a matter of time. He even optimistically predicted the war in Europe would end within a year, drawing applause.
Alan clapped along — privately thinking it would end in no more than six months, making Sir Barron's forecast cautious.
"But we can't get complacent," Barron continued, lighting a cigarette. "The fighting in Southeast Asia is still ongoing. Japanese forces in Burma are resisting fiercely. The British Indian Army is still in the field — and our job is to make sure their needs are met. That is why we are here: British India must fully guarantee the supply lines to our expeditionary forces."