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Chapter 32 - Chapter 32 – The Moro Struggle

I

The southern seas shimmered with turquoise calm, but Rafael knew beneath that beauty lay centuries of unrest. He stood on the pier of Cotabato, watching boats glide by with their sails painted in bright reds and yellows. Traders shouted prices of fish and woven mats, children ran barefoot on the planks, and the call to prayer drifted from a nearby mosque.

Yet the air carried more than market noise. Whispers of raids, of clashes between armed men and constabulary patrols, traveled from lip to lip.

A soldier beside Rafael muttered, "The Huks in the north, the Moros in the south. This republic is a house burning at both ends."

Rafael sighed, gazing at the horizon where the sea met the sky. "And yet, we keep calling it peace."

II

That evening, he sat inside a stilt house with a local datu, Sultan Usman, an elder with a long white beard and eyes sharp as steel. The house smelled of woodsmoke and sea salt, and mats lay neatly on the floor.

"You ask why we resist?" the Sultan said slowly, his voice heavy with years. "It is not new, Kapitan Rafael. Before Spain came, we ruled ourselves. Before America, our people prayed, traded, fought, and lived by our own laws. Now, Manila sends governors who know nothing of our blood, our ways."

Rafael bowed his head respectfully. "But independence belongs to all Filipinos. Should we not be one nation?"

The Sultan's laugh was bitter. "One nation? When are our lands taken by settlers? When our voices are drowned by laws written in Tagalog and English? Tell me, is this unity—or conquest by another name?"

Rafael had no answer.

III

The next morning, he joined a patrol through a Mindanao village. The constables were uneasy, rifles ready, as if every nipa hut hid a threat. Women peered from doorways, children clung to their mothers.

Suddenly, a shout—then gunfire erupted from the hills. The soldiers scattered, returning fire. Smoke rose, chickens squawked, and the villagers screamed. When silence fell, three constables lay wounded, and the rebels had melted back into the forests.

One corporal cursed. "These Moros fight like ghosts! You never see them, only their bullets."

Rafael knelt beside a wounded soldier, pressing a cloth against the bleeding wound. His mind echoed with the Sultan's words: "Conquest by another name."

IV

Later, in the quiet of the local church-turned-garrison, Rafael spoke with Father Lorenzo, who had traveled south to witness the unrest.

"Why do they fight still?" Rafael asked. "Didn't independence mean one country, one people?"

The priest shook his head, adjusting his rosary. "Independence for Manila, yes. But for the Moro? They have always been apart—by faith, by land, by history. They are told they are Filipinos, but in their hearts, they are Tausug, Maranao, Maguindanao. You cannot erase centuries with one flag."

Rafael frowned. "But if they break away, the republic will shatter."

"And if they are forced to stay, the wounds deepen," the priest answered gravely.

V

One night, Rafael was invited to a clandestine meeting. In a bamboo hut lit only by oil lamps, young Moro fighters gathered—rifles leaning against the walls, bolos gleaming on the mats.

Their leader, Jamal, spoke with fire in his voice. "We do not seek war for war's sake. We seek dignity. When Manila sends settlers to till our ancestral land, when our mosques are mocked, when our voices are silenced—what choice remains but to resist?"

A young man added, "They call us outlaws. But what law protects us? Who listens to Cotabato when Manila debates? They only remember us when we fight."

Rafael spoke carefully. "But armed struggle invites death. Would dialogue not achieve more?"

Jamal's eyes narrowed. "Dialogue requires both sides to listen. Tell me, Kapitan—when Manila's politicians drink their wine, do they speak of us as brothers, or as problems to be solved?"

The silence was answer enough.

VI

Back in Manila months later, Rafael found himself inside a crowded congressional session. Lawmakers argued heatedly about the "Mindanao problem."

One senator thundered, "We must crush this rebellion before it spreads! Deploy more battalions, stamp them out!"

Another, calmer, countered, "No. We must recognize their right to autonomy. Give them authority to govern themselves under the republic. To deny their heritage is to deny our nation's soul."

The chamber erupted in debate—guns or laws, repression or recognition. Rafael sat in the gallery, taking notes, his heart torn. He remembered the boy's eyes in the bamboo hut, filled with anger and longing.

In his journal that night, he wrote: "The republic cannot be whole if part of it bleeds. If we cannot learn to share freedom, then we will never be free at all."

VII

As years passed, sporadic clashes continued. Villages burned, families fled, and peace remained a dream deferred. Yet the idea of self-rule for Mindanao began to take root in Manila's halls. Some dismissed it as a weakness; others embraced it as justice.

For Rafael, now graying at the temples, it was a sign of hope—that someday, the cries of Cotabato and Jolo might be heard without gunfire.

He closed his eyes and whispered, "Perhaps one day, we will learn that unity is not uniformity. That the sun on our flag must shine for all, not just for some."

VIII

The halls of Congress in Manila were thick with cigar smoke and restless arguments. It was the late 1960s, and while the nation celebrated new roads and dams, the fires of Mindanao burned quietly in the south.

A congressman from Luzon stood tall, his voice commanding the chamber:

"Mr. Speaker, the Republic cannot bend to every tribe that raises arms. To grant the Moros autonomy is to grant them secession! If today we allow this, tomorrow the whole nation will unravel!"

The chamber roared with approval from some, but not all. From the opposite side of the hall, a young senator rose—his voice calmer, his cadence deliberate.

"Autonomy is not secession, Mr. Speaker. It is recognition. Recognition that our brothers in the south were nations long before the word 'Philippines' was ever written on a map. Shall we deny their history, their faith, their ways, and then wonder why they resist us?"

Murmurs rippled across the gallery. Some lawmakers whispered of betrayal, others of vision.

From his seat among the visitors, Rafael listened, pen scratching across his worn notebook. He saw in these exchanges the beginning of a greater struggle—not of bullets, but of ideas.

IX

In Cotabato, news of these debates trickled down in fragments, carried by radios with fading batteries and newspapers passed from hut to hut. A schoolteacher read aloud to his students:

"They are speaking of us in Manila. Some say we must be given our own government, under the Republic."

The children's eyes widened. A boy raised his hand. "Does that mean no more soldiers raiding our houses, Sir?"

The teacher hesitated. "It means… maybe one day, your leaders will be our leaders. Not strangers."

In the back of the class, an old man listened quietly, shaking his head. "Promises again," he muttered. "We have heard them before."

Yet in the children's eyes, a fragile spark glimmered.

X

Back in Manila, the debate grew sharper. One senator warned:

"If we refuse to grant them space to govern, we will condemn ourselves to endless war. Look to history: centuries of conflict have not subdued Mindanao. Shall we try another hundred years?"

A congressman from Cebu slammed his fist. "You speak of coddling rebels! What about the settlers—Filipinos who built their homes in Mindanao with blood and sweat? Will you hand them to the mercy of armed tribes?"

The gallery erupted. Some cried "Justice!" others shouted "Treason!"

Rafael closed his notebook, his temples throbbing. He thought of Sultan Usman's words: "Conquest by another name." He thought of Jamal, fire in his eyes, demanding dignity.

Perhaps the senator was right. Perhaps the only way forward was to create a space where the Moros could breathe as themselves, while still belonging to the Republic.

XI

That night, Rafael sat in his quarters, writing in his private journal.

"The Republic is like a tapestry," he wrote. "Each thread woven in its place—Ilocano, Tagalog, Visayan, Moro. If one thread is pulled too tightly, it breaks, and the cloth unravels. What is autonomy, then, but allowing each thread to lie where it belongs, yet still part of the whole?"

He paused, staring at the flickering lamp. "The future will demand a new kind of courage—not the courage to fight, but the courage to share power. If Manila cannot find it, then the south will find its own path."

He folded the journal, sealing the words inside like a prophecy.

XII

Years later, when Rafael was long gone, scholars would read these debates and journals as the faint prelude to what would one day become the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Born of conflict, blood, and weary negotiations, the ARMM would not erase centuries of mistrust, but it would stand as proof that the Republic had at last listened—even if too late, even if imperfectly.

For now, in the 1960s, it was still only a whisper in the halls of Manila, a hope carried by radios into distant huts, a fragile dream.

But it was enough to foreshadow that the Moro struggle was not merely a rebellion. It was a demand for recognition. And recognition, sooner or later, would be written into law.

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