Ferdinand's trip to London went more smoothly than he had anticipated; not only did he develop a gold mine, but he also deepened his relationship with the British royal family, which would be of great help in the future.
Edward, facing a financial crisis, was far more interested in the gold mine than Ferdinand, and the two quickly formed a mining company.
The excited Edward even planned to go to Australia himself, which Ferdinand quickly stopped. In the 19th century, Australia was not a good place to be. It was a remote and desolate land, practically a wilderness, and Ferdinand was very careful with his life.
It wasn't until June of the following year, when the first batch of gold from Australia arrived in London, that Ferdinand finally put his worries aside.
The first batch of gold was not large, only a mere eight hundred kilograms, worth just over a hundred thousand pounds, but Ferdinand and Edward were very excited.
A pile of gold has a much greater impact than a check. Even Victoria attended their celebration banquet. In the 19th century, under the gold standard, gold was far more important than it would be in later eras.
With the mining company on track, Ferdinand set off to return to Vienna. Barring any surprises, it could bring him hundreds of thousands of pounds in revenue each year.
Unlike when he first arrived, Ferdinand, after landing in France on his return journey, took the overland route, enjoying the scenery and visiting famous historical sites along the way.
In France, he left his footprints at the Arc de Triomphe, the Eiffel Tower, the Louvre, Notre Dame Cathedral, and the Pantheon in Paris.
In Germany, Ferdinand's presence was seen at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin, Neuschwanstein Castle, Lake Constance, Cologne Cathedral, and the source of the Danube River.
It wasn't until the end of 1885 that Ferdinand returned to Vienna. Along the way, Ferdinand gained a lot, witnessing the three most powerful countries of the era—Britain, France, and Germany—and gaining a clear understanding of everything from their human geography to their industrial development.
Although all three countries were developing rapidly at the time, Ferdinand clearly felt that France was falling behind. A large amount of capital was concentrated in the financial market, and investment in real industries had significantly decreased.
Germany, on the other hand, was the opposite. Perhaps influenced by traditional German regional culture, capitalists had little interest in virtual finance and focused wholeheartedly on real industries, with much greater industrial investment.
After visiting the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Ferdinand found that this decaying empire was still operating quite healthily and showed no signs of collapse.
Economic development was rapid; although it couldn't compare to Britain, France, or Germany, its development potential was not far behind. Domestic conflicts were also suppressed to their lowest point, and the most troublesome Hungary was now only vying for power, without any tendency towards independence.
Looking at the British Empire now, no one would have imagined that it would decline into a second-rate country in just a few decades.
Of course, this had nothing to do with Ferdinand; he was currently concerned about the coup in Bulgaria. The Russian government was increasingly dissatisfied with Alexander of Battenberg's anti-Russian tendencies, and a coup was brewing.
Battenberg had always been an extremely reactionary and Russophobic individual. Initially, to avoid displeasing Russia, he skillfully concealed his anti-Russian sentiments.
However, he never hid his reactionary ideology. From the very beginning, he openly sided with the Conservative Party, and despite knowing that the Liberal Party held a dominant position in parliament, he still formed a Conservative Party government.
Upon taking power, the Conservative Party openly trampled on the constitution. Liberals used public opinion and organized demonstrations, leading to intense struggles between the two parties.
The following years were a fierce struggle between the Grand Duke's Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, compounded by Russian interference, which threw the country into disarray.
In 1886, the political crisis intensified. The Russians planned to depose Battenberg and replace him with a pro-Russian figure. However, Britain, Austria-Hungary, and other Western powers, in order to weaken Russian influence in the Balkans, chose to support Battenberg.
Bulgaria's nascent bourgeoisie also split into pro-Russian and anti-Russian factions, and the two sides were at loggerheads.
The pro-Russian faction sought help from Russia.On August 21, 1886, a group of Bulgarian officers, supported by Russia, deposed Grand Duke Alexander.
This action caused widespread dissatisfaction throughout Bulgaria, and some military and political figures launched a counter-coup, urging Grand Duke Alexander to return to power.
The Tsarist government objected, threatening to occupy Bulgaria. On September 7, Grand Duke Alexander was forced to abdicate and leave the country.
A sharp political crisis erupted, and the great powers once again engaged in a fierce struggle over the candidate for the Grand Duke of Bulgaria.
Russia's position was that as long as power was in the hands of the pro-Russian faction, a national assembly would be convened to elect the Grand Duke of Bulgaria. However, the Russians' overly crude methods ignited dissatisfaction among Bulgarians.
Stambolov, disregarding Russian opposition, forcibly convened a national assembly and elected Prince Waldemar of Denmark as the Grand Duke of Bulgaria. However, under pressure from the Tsar, Prince Waldemar refused to ascend the throne.
The conflict continued to escalate, and Russia even severed diplomatic relations with Bulgaria. As the two factions within the country could not reach a compromise, the pro-Russian faction launched an uprising in February 1887, but it was quickly suppressed, and its leaders were sentenced to death.
To end this crisis, the Bulgarian government, with the support of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, convened a national assembly and elected the Grand Duke of Bulgaria without Russia's consent.
To gain more support, the Austro-Hungarian Empire nominated Ferdinand. On June 25, 1887, the Bulgarian National Assembly elected Ferdinand as the successor Grand Duke.
The Russian government protested this, demanding that the Turkish government, in accordance with the Treaty of Berlin, reject Ferdinand's appointment. However, under pressure from Western powers, Turkey rejected Russia's demand and supported Ferdinand's succession.
At present, the coup in Bulgaria was still brewing, and Ferdinand did not interfere, fearing a butterfly effect.
After all, historically, Bulgaria had searched all over Europe for a Grand Duke, with a long list of candidates.
Although he was ultimately chosen, it was merely to gain the support of Western powers and did not mean that no one else could replace him.
Ferdinand waited anxiously while also strengthening the development of intelligence work. Historically, his early days in Bulgaria were not easy, with power held by the Liberals.
Days passed, and in the summer of 1886, the coup began as scheduled. Battenberg was forced to abdicate and then expelled from the country.
The ensuing struggle over Bulgaria left Ferdinand dumbfounded. Russia, which initially held the advantage, gradually lost it through a series of missteps.
In 1887, the Bulgarian crisis intensified. With Ferdinand's consent, Stambolov forcibly convened a national assembly in February and officially elected Ferdinand as the Prince of Bulgaria.