"Pavel, I'll leave the follow-up coordination to your people," Max Vizsla said inside the Kom'rk's troop bay, issuing instructions to Pavel Kryze, Minister of Ordnance for the Bespin Mandalorian Armed Forces.
"Yes, Commander." Pavel Kryze snapped a salute.
Max did not leave the Mandalorian assault unit's Kom'rk with Republic Sienar Systems for the retrofit.
"Sienar, Corulag is too close to Coruscant. And you're already on the Justice Department and Jedi Temple watchlists—doing an illegal stealth conversion at RSS just isn't safe," Max had said. "Better to move the work to Cloud City on Bespin."
"All right." Max's reasoning was airtight, and Raith Sienar didn't argue.
After a little over a day of inspections and site tours at RSS, Max—on behalf of the Bespin Mandalorian Autonomy—signed two formal contracts with RSS: one purchase agreement for eight Marauder-class corvettes, and one crew training contract. He then transferred 48 million Republic credits into RSS's corporate account as the ship payment.
At the same time, he signed three confidential side agreements with Raith Sienar.
One: a covert contract for a stealth conversion on one Kom'rk-class Mark I fighter/transport.
Two: a joint agreement to establish a stealth aircraft/stealthcraft R&D center in Cloud City.
Three: a private sponsorship agreement—Max personally funding Raith Sienar's next-generation ion engine program.
Using a separate private account, Max wired 200 million Republic credits to Raith Sienar's personal account.
"If it's not enough, tell me anytime," Max said casually. Thanks to the late Lom Pyke, he had a decent stash of private funds.
Max wasn't worried that a transfer that large would attract unwanted attention. In this galaxy, the InterGalactic Banking Clan was—infamously—reliable.
In the original timeline, during the Clone Wars, the IGBC—despite being a key pillar of the Separatist movement—never stopped issuing loans to the Galactic Republic… even when those loans were used to buy clones and warships to fight the Separatists.
On the evening of January 17, 5 BBY, Max and the procurement team departed Corulag, setting course for their next stop: Utapau (star chart grid N-19).
Utapau, in the Outer Rim's Utapau system, was one of the best-known planets in the galaxy.
It was the homeworld of the Empire's future Grand Inquisitor.
And near the end of the Clone Wars, Commander Cody had also delivered an infamous moment here—"Blast him!"
Of course, Max wasn't traveling to Utapau to pay respects at some "holy site." He was going to buy bombers—and, while he was at it, make friends.
Bespin Aerospace was still ramping up production. Expecting BAE to churn out large numbers of Kom'rk Mark III fighter-bombers in the short term simply wasn't realistic. For now, they needed emergency external procurement.
Even though it was remote, Utapau's overall tech level was strong.
In Pau City, Utapau's capital, there were two excellent aircraft manufacturers. One was a local Utapaun company—Bupper Torsckil Abbey Devices—best known for the Porax-38 starfighter. The other was a Techno Union–aligned manufacturer—Feethan Ottraw Scalable Assemblies (FOSA)—whose flagship products included the Belbullab-22 starfighter and the Belbullab-24 strike bomber.
Max's initial plan was to purchase a batch of FOSA's Belbullab-22/24 and then bring in the production line.
First, because the Corellian Republic Navy's "Bespin Independent Squadron" operated ships whose embarked starfighters were already Belbullab-22/24. Buying the same type would reduce maintenance and logistics friction.
Second, because the Belbullab-22/24 were genuinely excellent craft—good enough that top-tier operators vouched for them, and serious analysts later treated the -24 as a design worth close study.
BTAD also deserved a visit—at minimum, it gave Max leverage to pressure FOSA on price. And if BTAD had something surprising, Max could pivot procurement on the spot.
Beyond bombers, building relationships was a major goal of the trip.
Despite its extensive trade ties, Utapau was not a member of the Galactic Republic. The ruling Utapaun Committee had long maintained strict neutrality, refusing to join interstellar political blocs to avoid entanglements.
In the original timeline, even repeated overtures from Count Dooku and General Grievous failed to pull Utapau into the Confederacy. Only in the final weeks of the Clone Wars—when Grievous seized Utapau by force—did the planet get dragged into the fire.
That kind of neutral world was exactly the sort Max wanted on friendly terms.
In Max's mid-term plan, once he'd built sufficient strength in the Outer Rim, he intended to return to the Mandalore sector as a mediator—reconciling the New Mandalorians and Death Watch, and rebuilding a united, prosperous, powerful Mandalore.
During the Clone Wars, he planned to emulate the Cold War-era non-alignment concept: rally planets like Utapau—worlds that refused to pick a side—into a Star Wars equivalent of the Non-Aligned Movement.
In fact, in the original timeline, Duchess Satine later pursued something similar. During the Clone Wars she helped unite more than fifteen hundred systems that wanted to stay out of the conflict, forming the Council of Neutral Systems.
But the New Mandalorians were too weak to defend neutrality with force. Satine's political ideal ultimately died under conspiracy and violence.
Max was not Duchess Satine. He wouldn't beg for peace—he would enforce it with the Mandalorian Armed Forces.
On February 1, Max and the procurement team arrived in Pau City on Utapau.
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🛡️🔥🌌 STAR WARS: THE RISE OF MANDALORE 🌌🔥🛡️
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🚨 FOR MANDALORE! 🚨
The clans are stirring.
The armor remembers.
And Mandalore will rise again.
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🛡️ THIS IS MORE THAN A STORY OF SURVIVAL
⚔️ Mandalorian warriors🔥 Clan warfare🚀 Galactic conflict🌌 Star Wars worldbuilding👑 Power & leadership💥 Massive battles🛡️ The resurgence of Mandalore
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