Chapter 595: Incitement
While the people of Orange were grumbling about the so-called Transvaal Restoration Army, the daily "training" of that army was underway.
In Bloemfontein, a new "Provisional Government of the Transvaal Republic" had been established, with none other than Little Pretorius assuming the role of President.
Having been idle in Cape Town for some time, Little Pretorius was finally brought out again by the British to lead what was left of the Transvaal Republic's resistance organization.
His first order of business upon arriving in Bloemfontein was to gather his old subordinates and host a banquet.
"Gentlemen, we are all victims of East African aggression. The East Africans robbed us Transvaalers of our most valuable property—our land. They used their advanced weapons and massive army to launch a surprise attack, forcing the dissolution of our republic. But we Transvaalers are not so easily defeated. Even here in Orange, we can unite once more and resist the invaders to reclaim what is rightfully ours," declared Little Pretorius.
His speech lacked substance, but it still resonated, because those attending the Provisional Government were former officials of the Transvaal Republic—the people most harmed by East Africa's invasion.
They were once large landowners and estate holders. Though East Africa had allowed them to transfer some assets, their land—their most valued asset—had been confiscated.
Their hearts were full of hatred. Now that the British had provided a platform to bring them back together, the Provisional Government became the world's most anti–East African organization.
"Damn those East Africans!"
"We must drive them out of the Transvaal and reclaim our land!"
"Transvaalers will never surrender..."
Little Pretorius was quite pleased with their enthusiasm. At least on the surface, everyone appeared highly motivated.
He returned to the podium and raised his hand to calm the crowd: "Let's settle down. I know each of you is a loyal patriot. But we must admit—the enemy vastly outmatches us. East Africa has an army of hundreds of thousands. All of us Boers combined amount to only a few hundred thousand. This is not a fight we can win with slogans alone. We need every Boer to give their all."
"President Pretorius, then what should we do?" someone asked.
Little Pretorius was delighted by the question and confidently replied, "Thanks to my efforts, the British colonial government in Cape Colony has agreed to support our cause. Moreover, we have the Portuguese—fellow victims—as our allies. This turns the tide in our favor. Now, let's welcome our friends from Britain and Portugal to say a few words."
Under a round of applause, the British Governor of the Orange Free State and a Portuguese official from Mozambique stepped onto the stage.
All present shared a hatred for East Africa—whether due to past wrongs or current interests. Their empathy fueled a unified front against East Africa's militarism.
"East Africa is not invincible," the British Governor began. "Their vast territory is actually a weakness—it spreads their forces thin. Any conflict with East Africa would be localized, not nationwide. So there's no need to be intimidated by their numbers."
As East Africa became more prominent globally, it became harder to keep its data secret—such as the Central Railway deep within its territory and key inland trade routes.
British intelligence, sourced through places like Dar es Salaam, had built a rough outline of East Africa's strength.
Even their national map was no longer a mystery. For example, the tobacco in Dar es Salaam was traced back to the city of Harare—via rail—showing its role in East Africa's economy and geography.
By cross-referencing this data—like identifying Harare as a provincial capital and rail hub—the British guessed it lay within the former Matabele Kingdom.
However, deeper details remained elusive. Common people had no access to national railway maps. Even East African railway workers only saw their section.
Harare, like many East African cities, had a name invented by Ernst—chosen for personal convenience—making British intelligence work even harder.
From crop exports like coffee, the British estimated plantation areas. But cultural and historical insight was harder to come by, as East Africa had little history or indigenous tradition. Unlike Mozambique, where place names came from native roots, East Africa had rewritten everything.
Thus, comparing old Portuguese maps to modern East African ones was pointless—the names didn't match.
East Africa's military, though, was easy to track. They consistently stationed 50,000 troops near the Cape and Mozambique borders.
And when the British discovered inland railways, they increased their estimates—railways allowed East Africa to rapidly deploy reinforcements, making any invasion harder.
Understanding this, the British Governor reassured his allies while concealing Britain's full intelligence. He didn't want to scare the Boers and Portuguese—they were his frontline.
"East Africa's military is not so fearsome. We'll continue to supply the Transvaal and Mozambique with Britain's latest military technology. This neutralizes their equipment advantage and puts our forces on equal footing. The rest depends on your courage—and I believe you will rise to the challenge."
The Governor tried to boost Boer morale, knowing full well that Britain's support would depend on how much the Boers were willing to pay.
Britain wasn't entirely stingy—they would offer some perks. But the real goal was to make the Boers and Portuguese believe they had the full backing of the world's greatest empire.
It was a classic strategy—just like how America backed Western Europe against the USSR or supported Japan and South Korea against the Far East. All it took was a few incentives, and another nation would do your bidding.
With its global wealth and control over resources, America once picked its allies freely—any half-competent puppet government could revive with just a little help.
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