Chapter 596: Pressure
Ernst wasn't boasting—this was a fact. It's like how the Song Dynasty's tribute to the Khitan would have been a massive income for a smaller state like Korea.
The U.S. Marshall Plan and the Soviet Warsaw Pact served similar roles. Both superpowers were strong enough to bring prosperity to entire regions through economic support.
In the 21st century, the Far East Empire also used this tactic to win over other countries—especially in Southeast Asia and Africa. In this sense, East Africa today is like a reverse version of the Far East Empire, with the South Seas as their shared launchpad.
Right now, East Africa is still too weak. Only the merchants of Zanzibar have truly become wealthy from East Africa's support—but Zanzibar has become so integrated that its gains aren't obvious. If Zanzibar were still independent, it'd be no different from Japan or South Korea under American patronage.
It all comes down to trade. If the U.S. hadn't opened its markets to Japan, the Japanese auto industry wouldn't have stood a chance. Japan lacked the natural resources to even assemble parts.
Even as the world's second-largest economy, Japan had to bow to the U.S. Zanzibar is no different—cut off from East Africa's supply chains, its decline would be instant.
Before 1869 and the opening of the Suez Canal, Zanzibar could survive as a key stop along West Indian Ocean trade routes. But once the canal opened, its strategic value plummeted.
On the flip side, East Africa's coastal economy flourished thanks to the Suez Canal—and it was all due to East Africa's own development efforts.
East Africa's exploitation of its interior made it a new supplier of raw materials and a burgeoning market, fully integrating it into world trade. Sub-Saharan African shipping now complements the Suez Canal route.
The canal also strengthened East Africa's ties to Eastern, Central, and Southern Europe—it was a mutually beneficial relationship.
Before, African countries couldn't even sip the leftovers of global trade. Now, East Africa participates actively.
Historically, sub-Saharan Africa had almost no industry outside of South and North Africa. In the middle, even agriculture was underdeveloped. At most, they traded ivory, hides, and other raw goods—products of a hunter-gatherer economy.
East Africa, though not rich, had both agriculture and industry. It produced according to market demand, backed by military security—allowing it to enter global markets.
By contrast, the Orange Free State and Cape Colony had little to offer. Cape's only noteworthy export was diamonds and some mid-level farming and ranching.
As a British colony, Cape's farming was unremarkable. Britain had too many colonies for this to stand out. If the Transvaal still existed, it'd be different—its gold alone could lift a nation. But now that East Africa controlled the region and chose not to exploit it, the land lay idle and its value plummeted.
Without gold or mineral wealth, the Transvaal Restoration Movement had only its hatred of East Africa to offer. Britain saw things differently.
What did the Transvaal leave behind? In the absence of gold, its people were its most valuable asset. In Africa, population was currency. The French frequently bought or captured Africans to support colonial development.
East Africa, flush with migrants from India and the Far East, could afford to overlook the value of people. They were at 70% capacity, while other colonies were starving.
East Africa's migration strategy was unique. Aside from East Africa and Argentina, black slaves were the most welcomed migrants in this era. Even the massive populations of India and the Far East couldn't match the scale of the slave trade.
In Britain's colonies, things were more exclusive. Black populations were rare in places like Australia and Canada, which had strict controls—and missed the height of the slave trade due to late development. Their timelines paralleled East Africa's.
When East Africa was founded, the slave trade had nearly ended—but East Africa revived it.
Even Cape Colony, despite being in Africa, had relatively few Black residents. That's why Boer and other white populations could number in the hundreds of thousands.
Britain had a long-standing tradition of harboring rebels and dissidents. As East Africa's rival, they naturally gave the Transvaal Boers special attention.
Some Boers integrated into Orange. But many remained outsiders—about 100,000 strong. For Britain, this anti–East African group was a perfect weapon.
Mozambique had more people, but the last war with Portugal showed Britain that African auxiliary forces weren't reliable. White soldiers were still better.
So the British Governor in Bloemfontein continued his pitch: "After the Transvaal is restored, it will regain all the rights of an independent nation. Britain will guarantee its security."
Of course, "after restoration" was just empty promises. But the Governor's offer was appealing—it protected the former Transvaal elite and promised safety post-independence.
Naturally, Britain wouldn't provide this protection for free. A restored Transvaal would have to align itself politically, economically, and militarily with Britain—becoming a comprador state.
And if restoration succeeded, East Africa would lose vast southern territories. Its power would be weakened. Britain could reestablish a buffer zone between East Africa and the Cape Colony, ensuring regional stability.
Independent states like East Africa were a thorn in Britain's side. After America, the Far East Empire was their next big headache.
Everywhere else, Britain held sway. But East Africa's rise disrupted their African ambitions. With France entrenched in West and North Africa, South Africa was Britain's target—and East Africa now owned most of it.
Britain could tolerate East Africa ruling the highlands—but not if it kept expanding. Gone were the days when Britain ruled unchallenged.
At minimum, Britain wanted East Africa to pull back north of Lake Malawi.
It's like calls to break up the U.S. or Russia today. When a country grows too large, its size alone becomes threatening.
In the 19th century, Tsarist Russia's 20-million-square-kilometer empire even made world-power Britain feel the pressure.
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