Chapter 597: Military Discipline Deteriorates
East Africa's territory isn't as vast as Tsarist Russia's, but on the map, it's still quite imposing—almost like someone carved away half of Africa.
Fortunately, countries around the equator often appear smaller due to map projection distortions. That's why East Africa's over 10 million square kilometers look about the same as the roughly 7 million square kilometers of the United States. Of course, this also has to do with the fact that, in this era, measurement data wasn't precise—especially for inland Africa, where very few non-Africans had ever set foot.
Many Europeans could only guess at what lay in Africa's interior, which is why so many adventure novels were filled with mysterious descriptions of the continent.
...
While the Transvaalers were calling for restoration, East African troops stationed in the Southern Frontier Province hadn't been idle these past few years.
Centered around Wepener and along the Vaal River, East Africa had nearly completed construction of forward military fortifications—primarily bunkers.
East Africa's strategy for the Orange Free State was very different from its approach to Mozambique. The conflict with Mozambique was fairly standard; even though East Africa had emerged victorious, the Portuguese didn't harbor overwhelming hatred.
As a former colonial empire, Portugal had a thicker skin than most—content with being stagnant like other aging empires.
East Africa had conquered Mozambique's colonies through war—openly and decisively. The Portuguese had somewhat given up; if not for Britain backing them, some within Portugal might have been willing to sell off their remaining African colonies.
The Transvaal case, however, was different. Although East Africa had also used military force, the justification was dubious at best. You could say the Transvaal had made mistakes, but didn't deserve to be wiped off the map.
What's more, East Africa hadn't completely eliminated its enemies—allowing the Transvaal people to retain a viable fighting force, which now posed a potential threat.
Of course, Ernst hadn't spared them out of kindness. He deliberately left the Transvaalers as a future irritant—hoping that they might provoke East Africa into finishing the job. A leftover enemy state north of the Orange River created an unpleasant dent in East Africa's southern border.
Also, Ernst had no intention of integrating Transvaal Boers into East African society—that would've caused massive headaches, especially given the political incompatibilities. East Africa emphasized nationalized land, while in Orange, land was owned by large estate holders. Ernst didn't want to implement a North-South system either, so he refused to let that become a hidden threat.
Lastly, Ernst was experimenting with dividing the Boers—and so far, it was working well. A clear distinction had emerged in the Orange Free State between Orange Boers and Transvaalers.
The two sides clashed because Orange Boers looked down on the Transvaalers. After all, the Transvaalers had lost their country. They had then flooded into Orange and absorbed much of the local resources—serving as British enforcers, depriving Orange Boers of many of their rights. Most importantly, Orange Boers opposed war with East Africa.
Their attitudes toward Britain and East Africa were the two major sources of division.
East Africa's strength was obvious. Orange Boers didn't want to make an enemy of a power they had no quarrel with. Transvaalers, on the other hand, wanted to drag Orange into conflict.
As for Britain—things were complicated. When the Transvaal still existed, the Orange Free State was more conciliatory toward Britain, while the Transvaal, being farther from Cape Town and separated by Orange territory, was more anti-British.
Now it was reversed. Orange Boers were anti-British; Transvaalers aligned with the British. As newcomers in Orange, the Transvaalers found themselves in a similar position to the British.
The British exploited this, using Transvaalers to control the Orange Free State—just like how they had historically used Indian troops in Africa. The Transvaal Restoration Army had become little more than traitorous Boer mercenaries.
Their reputation plummeted in just a few months. In Bloemfontein, they became universally despised. Ironically, many were still from the old Transvaal, yet they practiced regional discrimination within Bloemfontein.
It was a classic case of biting the hand that feeds you. Refugees, even from a "brother nation," could quickly wear out their welcome.
That the Transvaal Restoration Army had poor discipline wasn't surprising. In this era, such behavior was practically expected. In fact, East Africa's disciplined military was the real anomaly.
Much of the Restoration Army's funding came from taxes—thanks to Britain's support, the Transvaal Provisional Government could levy a war tax in the Orange Free State.
This was unprecedented. In the old days, both Orange and the Transvaal had practiced universal conscription—no standing army. Without a standing force, there had been no discipline issues.
Now, with a permanent army, Orange once again tasted the bitterness of lawless troops.
Orange's citizens grew increasingly hostile toward the Transvaalers. Britain, however, was happy to watch the drama unfold—enjoying the balancing act.
Despite their reputation, East Africa did not underestimate the Restoration Army.
Many were seasoned veterans who had fought the Zulus or even East Africa. They had courage. Plus, Britain provided modern military training and equipment—so they might be more capable than expected.
East Africa knew all this thanks to its National Security Bureau, which had deeply infiltrated the Orange Free State in recent years.
Surrounded on three sides by East Africa, the Orange Free State was easy to penetrate. Trained agents often posed as British citizens or Cape Boers.
Few countries at the time had professional intelligence agencies. Orange was no exception—its governance was crude.
Thus, East African agents had little trouble gathering intel. Though limited by poor local infrastructure and communications, they still managed.
The National Security Bureau had near-total knowledge of the Transvaal Restoration Army and its "Provisional Government." The Army's hooliganism in Bloemfontein was impossible to miss, and the government itself sat in a glaringly obvious location.
They constantly held "national salvation rallies," soliciting donations or pressuring citizens on the street. Every move they made was under East Africa's watchful eye.
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